EUDO Working Paper Series

 EUDO Working Paper Series

  • The EUDO working paper series started in December 2009 and is a core element of EUDO's effort in disseminating high-quality research. The working papers cover a broad range of issues, which the four EUDO Observatories deal with. Not only the directors of the Observatories, but also EUDO fellows and external experts as well as other scholars and practitioners are welcome to participate in the series.
  • EUDO working papers are published online on this webpage and in the RSCAS Series of the European University Institute. 
  • If you would like to publish an essay as a working paper, you can either send the full text or a short abstract or paper proposal to t his e-mail address  EUDOsecr@eui.eu.  We will respond to paper proposals by indicating whether the topic fits our series.

 

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Communities & collections
EUDO Working Paper Series 
Issue Date
2009
Title
When Parties (also) Position Themselves: An Introduction to the EU Profiler
by
TRECHSEL , Alexander H. and MAIR, Peter 
Abstract
This paper is intended to frame and describe a novel method of political party positioning within the European Union and beyond. Ever since the groundbreaking work by Downs in the 1950s, political scientists have derived a variety of methods to empirically determine the position of parties on dimensions measuring differences in policies or ideologies. Today, two sets of techniques dominate this research domain: expert surveys and manifesto/ programme coding. What is common to both techniques is that the positioning is done by qualified scholars and other experts outside the parties, and that it is not always possible to trace the grounds on which a party was coded in one way rather than another. The EU Profiler project, a large-scale, interdisciplinary and pan-European research endeavour, takes a step beyond these established methods by using party self-positioning and by offering full documentation. That is, and in addition to conventional expert coding, some 300 political parties in Europe have been invited to place themselves on 30 issue dimensions. Moreover, and in so far as it proved possible, each coded position for each party is fully documented with extracts from party manifestos, party leaders’ speeches, or relevant press or policy statements. The resulting data offer unique opportunities for comparing the accuracy and efficiency among party positioning techniques, exploring for the first time and in a systematic way the auto-positioning of political parties throughout Europe, and offering close textual documentation for the positions taken on each issue dimension.[...]
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Communities & collections
EUDO Working Paper Series
Issue Date
2009 
Title
Public Television, Private Television and Citizens’ Political Knowledge 
by
TOKA, Gabor and POPESCU, Marina
Abstract
This paper examines cross-national variance in the impact of public and commercial television on citizens’ political knowledge level and whether and how that variance may be related to differences in the content of public television broadcast. Multilevel models are used to link micro-level information on citizen knowledge from the European Election Studies of 1999 and 2004 to macro-level information about media systems and how public television operates in different contexts that we compiled from a variety of information sources. We find that exposure to news programs on public and private television channels are both positively associated with political knowledge after stringent controls for possible shared determinants of news exposure and knowledge, but only among less interested citizens. While exposure to news on public television appears to have, on average, a more positive effect than exposure to news on private channels, the difference is not significant and varies greatly across contexts. Public television seems more effective in informing citizens in countries where public television is largely independent of commercial revenue and uses its public funding to provide a particularly large amount of news and information programs for a politically very heterogeneous audience. However, private television appears to have the advantage in countries characterized by the opposite characteristics and relatively lower levels of press freedom. The discussion relates our findings to debates about the virtues of public broadcasting.[...]

 

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EUDO Working Paper Series 
Issue Date
2010
Title
 Agency and the Structure of Party Competition: Alignment, Stability and the Role of Political Elites
by
DEEGAN-KRAUSE, Kevin and ENYEDI, Zsolt
Abstract
The study of cleavages focuses primarily on constraints imposed by socio-demographic factors. While scholars have not ignored the agency of political elites, such scholarship remains fragmented among sub-fields and lacks a coherent conceptual framework. This article explores both temporal stability and positional alignments linking vote choice with socio-demographic characteristics, values and group identity to distinguish among particular kinds of structural constraints. On the basis of those distinctions, it identifies various methods by which elites reshape structures, and it links those to a broader framework that allows more comprehensive research connecting political agents and structural constraints in the electoral realm.[...]

 

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Communities & collections
EUDO Working Paper Series
Issue Date
2010
Title
The Crisis of the Eurozone 
by
BOHLE, Dorothee 
Abstract
An important tension had been underlying the first decade of the European Monetary Union. On the one hand, governments had embraced a revolutionary prospect when designing its institutions. They called on market forces and supranational institutions to limit popular democracy and scale back the interventionist state. On the other hand, they were unprepared to live up to this prospect. Hence the accumulation of large economic imbalances and their culmination in the Greek crisis and the instability of the Union’s periphery. These developments have given governments pause. With breathtaking speed, elites have agreed on the need for austerity. But it is difficult to see how the current attempt to return to the spirit of Maastricht would fare any better than before. Permanent austerity is fraught with economic irresponsibility and political risks. Europe therefore needs a new political debate about how much it wants to allow markets to determine the fate of its citizens and countries.[...]

 

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Communities & collections
 EUDO Working Paper Series
Issue Date
2010 
Title
Beyond "Position" and "Valence". A Unified Framework for the Analysis of Political Issues 
by
 DE SIO, Lorenzo
Abstract
Starting from a review of models of positional and valence issues, the paper – by tapping into the original definition of valence issue – introduces a classification of issues based on their level of overall, dychotomic agreement. This allows the placement of both positional and valence issues on a same continuum. A second dimension is then introduced, which identifies how much specific issues are over- or undersupported within a specific party. A visual classification of issues based on these two dimensions (the AP diagram) is then introduced, highlighting risks and opportunities for a party in campaigning on specific issues. Specific indicators (namely, issue yield) and hypotheses derived from the AP model are tested on survey data from the EU Profiler project, which collected issue profiles of Internet users from the 27 EU Countries before the EP 2009 Elections. The results show that the suggested dimensions and indicators identify a wide cross-country and cross-issue variance. Also, indicators generated by the AP model are powerful predictors of issue saliency, even subsuming traditional Downsean indicators.[...]
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Communities & collections
EUDO Working Paper Series
Issue Date
2010
Title
The Execution of Delegated Powers after Lisbon. A Timely Analysis of the Regulatory Procedure with Scrutiny and its Lessons for Delegated Acts
by
KAEDING, Michael and HALAN, Ardacre
Abstract
 The history of comitology – the system of implementation committees that control the Commission in the execution of delegated powers – has been characterised by institutional tensions. The crux of these tensions has often been the role of the European Parliament and its quest to be granted powers equal to those of the Council. Over time this tension has been resolved through a series of inter-institutional agreements and Comitology Decisions, essentially giving the Parliament incremental increases in power. This process came to a head with the 2006 Comitology reform and the introduction of the regulatory procedure with scrutiny (RPS). After just over three years of experience with the RPS procedure, and having revised the entire acquis communautaire, the Treaty of Lisbon made has made it redundant through the creation of Delegated Acts (Article 290 TFEU), which gives the Parliament equal rights of oversight. This article aims to evaluate the practical implications that Delegated Acts will entail for the Parliament, principally by using the four years of experience with the RPS to better understand the challenges ahead. This analysis will be of interest to those following the study of comitology, formal and informal interinstitutional relations, and also to practitioners who will have to work with Delegated Acts in the future.[...]

 

petermairwp  
Communities & collections
EUDO Working Paper Series 
Issue Date
2011 
Title
Bini Smaghi vs. the Parties: Representative Government and Institutional Constraints
by
MAIR, Peter
Abstract
Although it is generally seen as desirable that parties in government are both responsive and responsible, these two characteristics are now in increasing tension with one another. Prudence and consistency in government, as well as accountability, requires that governments conform to external constraints and past legacies, and not just answer to public opinion, and while these external constraints and legacies have grown in weight in recent years, public opinion, in its turn, has become harder and harder for governments to read and process. Meanwhile, because of changes in their organizations and in their relationship with civil society, parties in government are no longer in a position to bridge or ‘manage’ this gap, or even to persuade voters to accept it as a necessary element in political life. This problem is illustrated by extensive reference to the current fiscal crisis in Ireland, and is also used to question some of the assumptions that are involved in principal-agent treatments of the parliamentary chain of delegation.[...]

 

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Communities & collections
EUDO Working Paper Series
Issue Date
2011 
Title
Electoral Representation at the European level and its Institutional Design: A Reappraisal of Recent Reform Plans
by
LEHMANN, Wilhelm
Abstract
The double role of national political parties in both national and European politics is an important explanatory factor for the dilatory development of European democracy. This paper contends that the present institutional design of electoral procedures has political costs and is one of the main reasons for this two-faced representation. The argument proceeds in four steps. In the first part, the paper recapitulates that representation is a concept closely related to issues of accountability and responsiveness. Its practical application at the European level depends very much on the definition of the 'object' of representation. The second part demonstrates that democracy has not been a legalnormative notion during the early stages of European integration. However, since the signing of the Maastricht treaty genuine attempts have been made to go beyond regulatory matters and to create a political system with democratic credentials. Thirdly, the essay analyses new approaches in the design of electoral rules and evaluates the functioning of European political parties in view of the construction of a transnational political community. The final section addresses the knotty question whether it is desirable or even necessary for the European Union to become a more politicized governance system[...]

 

petermairwp 
Communities & collections
EUDO Working Paper Series 
Issue Date
2011 
Title
Party Patronage in Contemporary Europe: Principles and Practices  
by
KOPECKÝ, Petr and MAIR, Peter 
Abstract
This paper is based on the concluding chapter of a forthcoming volume reporting the results of a research project that has investigated the principles and practices of party patronage in contemporary European democracies on a systematic cross-national basis. Despite sometimes substantial theoretical interest in this topic in the past, there has been a persistent lack of comparable data with which to gauge its extent, and hence also a persistent shortfall in cross-national empirical research efforts. At the same time, much of the theoretical work in this area has also been limited by virtue of the tendency to link the concept of patronage to exchange politics, thus ignoring its potential relevance as a party organizational resource in contemporary systems of multi-level governance. This project has aimed to fill an important empirical void in the literature on contemporary European polities. It has also aimed to use this new robust empirical evidence to theorize about party patronage within the context of party organisational development and transformation, on the one hand, and political-institutional transformations of modern state, on the other[...]

 

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EUDO Working Paper Series
Issue Date
2011 
Title
Four Funerals and a Party? The Political Repertoire of the Italian Radicals 
by
RADAELLI, Claudio M. and DOSSI Samuele
Abstract
The transformations brought about by changing patterns of representation, the role of the media in politics, and processes of Europeanization and globalization have challenged the political parties of the West-European Left - and Italy is no exception to this trend. At the policy level, the four transformations have constrained the classic repertoire of the left. At the level of identities, they have pushed some parties to re-invent their core beliefs and re-shuffle their electoral strongholds, whilst other less successful parties have practically withered away. By contrast, right-wing and neo-populist parties have benefited from these four historical trends. These changes are somewhat congenial to them. For Left-wing parties, however, these changing patterns have led to ‘funerals’ of traditional practices and repertoires. In this article we look at the political repertoire of the Radical Party - established as Partito Radicale in 1955 in Italy and known today as Non-violent, Transparty, Transnational Radical Party. The Radicals have been able to theorize and approach the four challenges quite pro-actively, possibly because most of these transformations were already in their genetic code. The party, grounded in political liberalism, has produced a repertoire embracing global Gandhian transnational action on human rights, anti-militarism, sustainability and the fight against prohibitionist policies; a libertarian approach to scientific ‘disorganization’ of the classic party apparatus; and a notion of federalism grounded in the critique of the state as institution detrimental to liberties and welfare. We illustrate this original political repertoire and appraise its achievements. We finally critically discuss the repertoire in the broader context of Italian and European politics.[...]

 

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Communities & collections
 EUDO Working Paper Series
Issue Date
2011 
Title
Towards Policy-Seeking Europarties? The Development of European Political Foundations
by
GAGATEK, Wojciech and VAN HECKE, Steven
Abstract
Political parties at the European level – Europarties – do not only seek to be represented in the institutions of the EU (office-seeking) and to strengthen their role in the European Parliament elections (vote-seeking). Also, they try to colour the politics and policies of the Union, through the dissemination of ideas and the promotion of values linked to their political ideologies. In contrast to political groups in the European Parliament, until recently, Europarties were lacking resources enabling them to follow closely the substance of the EU policy process. However, the recent creation and funding of European political foundations affiliated to Europarties has been seen as a chance to provide them with the tools to become more policy-oriented. Currently, no less than eleven European political foundations are active in Brussels and beyond, and the total EU grant available to them for 2011 amounts to more than 11 million EURO. This paper investigates, for the first time, these European political foundations. It does so empirically and comparatively, based on the study of primary resources and a number of semistructured interviews, alongside existing research. The topic is addressed through a focus on the establishment of European political foundations, their organisation and their ‘transnational’ character (as networks of national political foundations). The central questions are: What are the key features of European political foundations? What purposes do they serve? And how should their relationship with Europarties be understood? Answers to these questions will shed light on one of the most recent innovations in the development of Europarties, and thus contribute to a new research agenda on EU party politics.[...]
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EUDO Working Paper Series  
Issue Date
2011 
Title
Political Charisma Revisited, and Reclaimed for Political Science
by
PAPPAS, Takis S.
Abstract
This paper, initially prompted by the puzzles raised from the atypical emergence of charismatic politics in the otherwise ordinary political system that our contemporary democracy is supposed to be, seeks to bring political charisma back into the study of comparative politics by reconstructing the concept and rendering it applicable to empirical research. Unlike previous approaches, which have suffered from either individual or structural reductionism, the present study examines charisma as a pure power term by focusing on what makes it appear in ordinary democratic politics as an extraordinary phenomenon, namely, its personal (as opposed to impersonal) character of leadership and the pursuit of a politically radical (as opposed to moderate) program. Accordingly, political charisma is defined as a distinct type of legitimate leadership that is personal and aims at the radical transformation of an established institutional order. Such an understanding of political charisma enables us to further analyze the core features of charismatic leadership and construct an “index of charismaticness” ready to be put under comparative empirical investigation. Sampling from postwar and contemporary European politics, a number of charismatic leaders are examined and then contrasted to non-charismatic ones. It is argued that, once reclaimed for political science, charisma may prove a useful concept with surprising analytical potential. Renewed interest in political charisma is expected to offer valuable clues in such important research areas as political leadership, populism, and contentious politics[...]
WorkingPaperRSCAS201157 
Communities & collections
EUDO Working Paper Series  
Issue Date
2012 
Title
Populism Emergent: a Framework for Analyzing its Contexts, Mechanics, and Outcomes
by
PAPPAS, Takis S.
Abstract
This paper, based on cross-regional empirical research, provides an integrated analytical framework for understanding the emergence of populism in seemingly different political contexts in both Europe (including Greece, France and the Netherlands) and Latin America (including Peru and Venezuela). It is found that, given an appropriate context, political leadership is the most important factor for setting in motion a number of interdependent causal mechanisms that may produce populism. Those mechanisms include the politicization of social resentment, the formation of new cleavage lines, and intense polarization. When successfully emergent, populism’s first and foremost outcome is the creation of new parties, or movements, of a distinctly personalist appeal. The causal explanation proposed in this paper is both parsimonious and credible. It also points to specific research themes related to successfully emergent populism[...]
WorkingPaperRSCAS201157 
Communities & collections
EUDO Working paper Series 
Issue Date
2012
Title
Institutional Change in Advanced European Democracies: an Exploratory Assessment 
by
BEDOCK, Camille; MAIR, Peter;Wilson, Alex
Abstract
Recent decades have seen a wave of institutional changes of the core democratic rules in advanced democracies. These changes include reforms of electoral systems; decentralization of power to subnational governments; the creation or enhancement of direct-democratic institutions; a rise in public subsidies to political parties; and shifts in the balance of power between executive and legislature. Nevertheless, political science has developed a limited understanding of what explains institutional change in democracies that are already consolidated. This is partly due to the lack of comparative data on the subject, with most studies of institutional change focusing on a single country, or on a single type of reform (e.g. electoral system change). Our paper seeks to bridge this gap by presenting the preliminary findings of an international research project that compared seven dimensions of institutional change in 18 consolidated European democracies between 1990 and 2008, producing a unique dataset whose content has been fully verified by national experts. This dataset provides the empirical basis for evaluating the type and extent of institutional change in consolidated European democracies, as well as developing hypotheses about the motivations and calculations behind these reforms[...]
WorkingPaperRSCAS201157 
Communities & collections
EUDO Working paper Series 
Issue Date
2012
Title
The New Financial Stability Mechanisms and Their (Poor) Consistency with EU Law 
by
BIANCO, Giuseppe
Abstract
This working paper examines the institutional reaction to the sovereign debt crisis in Europe. The response has so far consisted of three new financial mechanisms: the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism, the European Financial Stability Facility, and the European Stability Mechanism. These have each a different legal basis and a specific regime. They display a varying degree of compatibility with EU law. The institutional quick fix employed by Eurozone countries was essentially a resort to private law and traditional international law techniques. This constitutes a setback from the evolution of the EU, at the expense mainly of the European Parliament and the Court of Justice.[...]
WorkingPaperRSCAS201157 
Communities & collections
EUDO Working paper Series  
Issue Date
2012 
Title
The Struggle of the European Parliament to Participate in the New Economic Governance
by
FASONE, Cristina
Abstract
This paper aims to analyse the European Parliament's position in the aftermath of the reform of the economic governance in the European Union, in particular after the adoption of the “six-pack” and the “Fiscal Compact”. References are made to the involvement of the European Parliament in the decision-making process that led to the adoption of the new measures as well as to the substantive role assigned to this institution in the new regulatory framework. The paper argues that the new provisions, which actually limit the European Parliament’s “task” to the participation in the economic dialogue and in the interparliamentary co-operation, can jeopardise the effectiveness of the landmark principle of ‘No taxation without parliamentary representation’.[...]
RSCAS_2013_03
Communities & collections
EUDO Working paper Series 
Issue Date
2013 
Title
The role of Europarties in Framing the European Union Foreign and Security Policy 
by
CALOSSI, Enrico; COTICCHIA Fabizio
Abstract
The implementation of the Lisbon Treaty assessed new prerogatives to the European Parliament (EP) on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and on the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). This has increased the role of the EP thus changing the balance of power with other EU institutions, as the Council of Ministers, the European Council and also the new High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR). This new situation conveys more powers and responsibilities to the EP and to its main actors, i.e. the political parties. Even if also national parties have their own opinions on CFSP and CSDP issues, it is obvious that their supranational and EU level organisations, the so-called Europarties, devote to the foreign policy of EU much more attention. Aim of this paper is to analyse whether Europarties share the same attitude towards the existence of a EU common foreign and defence policy, and what are the main conceptual frames adopted by each Europarty on some of the main EU foreign and defence issues. Europarties’ positions are analysed through a discourse analysis approach in order to understand their ideas towards three fundamental institutional frameworks of the EU foreign policy: the Lisbon Treaty, the existence of the CFSP and the existence of the CSDP (and the European Defence Agency). Moreover, a content analysis is conducted on Europarties’ electoral manifestos and on the main EU strategic documents in order to understand which are the main conceptual frames used by parties and by EU on the foreign and defence issues. In particular four categories concerning different aspects of the CFSP and of the CSDP are identified: nature of threats, foreign and defence policy tools, geographical areas of interest, multilateral organizations. Results show that not only the non-mainstream Europarties, whose critical views towards the EU or some aspects of the EU were already known, but also amongst the EPP, the PES and ELDR there are some differences in their attitude towards the CFSP and the CSDP. While the EPP and the ELDR seem to be clearly enthusiastic of the new CFSP and CSDP - as designed by the Lisbon Treaty - Socialists, even if they agree and underline the importance of the reformed CFSP, are more critical towards the CSDP. With respect to the four categories (nature of threats, foreign and defence policy tools, geographical areas of interest, multilateral organizations) the Europarties offer different attitudes and priorities to those expressed in the official documents of the EU. In particular, Europarties seem to have a completely different perception of which threats have to be considered the most dangerous. It is worth noting that every Europarty considers the climate change as the threat which deserves more space and attention while for the official documents the environmental issue represents only one of the menaces posed to the EU.[...][...]
RSCAS_2013_03 
Communities & collections
EUDO Working paper Series 
Issue Date
2013 
Title
National parties, political processes and the EU democratic deficit : The problem of europarties institutionalization 
by
SOZZI, Fabio
Abstract
In classical party democracy, elections serve as an “instrument of democracy” (Powell 2000): they are the mechanism to connect policy preferences of the electors (within the electoral arena) to the political production (within the legislative arena). At the European level the linkage seems to be lost because the political actors performing in the two arena are not the same and the logics of behaviour are quite different. The EU calls for truly “Europarties” to become more democratic in its procedural and substantive prerequisites and this entails not only a progressive emancipation of party structures at European level but also an integration between them. In fact, we will have full Europarties only when the two party structures at EU level are either independent from national parties and linked to each other: if intra- and extra- parliamentary faces become really European and connected entities, legislators will be accountable to voters and, consequently, democratic deficit will decline. The main aims of this paper are, firstly, to investigate if and to what extent political parties at European level are able to perform the electoral and legislative functions in the two separated arena and, secondly, if intra- and extra- parliamentary faces of the Europarties are still separated or, rather, have become integrated. In other words, I will delineate the process of institutionalization of the Europarties looking at their progressive autonomy from national parties and systemness/integration at European level (Panebianco 1988).[...]
workingpaperfelixroth
Communities & collections
EUDO Working paper Series  
Issue Date
2013 
Title
Crisis and trust in national and European Union institutions : panel evidence for the EU, 1999 to 2012
by
ROTH, Felix; NOWAK-LEHMANN D., Felicitas; OTTER, Thomas
Abstract
This paper analyses the effects of the crisis on trust in national and European Union institutions within an EU27 country sample from 1999 to 2012. The paper finds that the overall negative trends in trust throughout the crisis are driven by countries from the eurozone (EA12). However, whereas the crisis triggered only moderate declines of trust within eight core countries of the EA12, a significant decline of trust can be detected within four periphery countries, namely Spain, Greece, Portugal and Ireland. Econometric results reveal that, amongst others, the significant increase in unemployment rates in those four countries, especially in Spain, largely contributed to this pronounced fall in trust[...]

 

wokringpapergarziatrechsel 
Communities & collections
EUDO Working paper Series   
Issue Date
2014 
Title
Trans-nationalising Europe’s voting space
by
BRIGHT, Jonathan; GARZIA, Diego; LACEY, Joseph; TRECHSEL, Alexander H.
Abstract
Building on MEP Andrew Duff’s proposal to create a limited pan-European constituency for electing representatives to the European Parliament, this paper argues that there are good reasons for believing that such an institution would better be built around national parties rather than Europarties as they currently exist. Using data from a Voting Advice Application (VAA), the EU Profiler, we demonstrate that the overwhelming majority of individuals who used this device would be better represented in the European Parliament, in terms of their policy preferences, if they could vote for a party from a different member state than their own. Furthermore, we find that there is significant active demand to be able to vote in this manner, and that such demand is positively correlated with citizens who found that they would be better represented given the opportunity to vote transnationally. Ultimately, we argue that a transnational electoral constituency administered by a VAA that could match individuals with the closest partisan offer in Europe would not only improve the level of representation in the EP but also contribute to forging deeper transnational links in the EU.[...]

 

wokringpapergarziatrechsel 
Communities & collections
EUDO Working paper Series
Issue Date
2014 
Title
The informal politics of codecision : introducing a new data set on early agreements in the European Union
by
BRESSANELLI, Edoardo; HÉRITIER, Adrienne; KOOP, Christel; REH, Christine
Abstract
One of the most important developments in the history of the EU’s codecision procedure has been the steep rise in “early agreements” since 1999, and the shift of legislative decision-making from public inclusive to informal secluded arenas. As part of a wider research project on “The Informal Politics of Codecision”, this working paper launches a new data set on all 797 legislative files concluded under codecision between 1999 and 2009. The paper discusses the process of data collection and coding; explains and justifies the operationalisation and measurement of key variables; and elaborates on the methodological challenges of capturing informal political processes. The paper offers rich descriptive statistics on the scale and scope of early agreements across time, and explores how key characteristics of the legislative file (legal nature, policy area, complexity, salience, policy type, duration) and of the main negotiators (priorities of the Council Presidency, ideological distance between Parliament’s rapporteur and national minister, Presidency’s workload) co-vary with decision-makers’ choice to “go informal”. Demonstrating that early agreements are not restricted to technical, urgent or uncontested files but occur across the breadth of EU legislation, and increasingly so with time in use, the data strongly underline the relevance of informal decision-making for scholars and policy-makers alike.[...]
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